This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License online at www.gutenberg.org/license
A PRELIMINARY SKETCH Prepared as a complement and introduction to the following paper oil "Siouan Sociology," by the
late James Owen Dorsey.
BY W.J. McGEE
Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North America above the Tropic of Cancer, about five-sixths were confined to the tenth of the territory bordering Pacific ocean; the remaining nine-tenths of the land was occupied by a few strong stocks, comprising the Algonquian, Athapascan, Iroquoian, Shoshonean, Siouan, and others of more limited extent.
The Indians of the Siouan stock occupied the central portion of the continent. They were preeminently plains Indians, ranging from Lake Michigan to the Rocky mountains, and from the Arkansas to the Saskatchewan, while an outlying body stretched to the shores of the Atlantic. They were typical American barbarians, headed by hunters and warriors and grouped in shifting tribes led by the chase or driven by battle from place to place over their vast and naturally rich domain, though a crude agriculture sprang up whenever a tribe tarried long in one spot. No native stock is more interesting than the great Siouan group, and none save the Algonquian and Iroquoian approach it in wealth of literary and historical records; for since the advent of white men the Siouan Indians have played striking rôles on the stage of human development, and have caught the eye of every thoughtful observer.
The term Siouan is the adjective denoting the "Sioux" Indians and
cognate tribes. The word "Sioux" has been variously and vaguely
used. Originally it was a corruption of a term expressing enmity or
contempt, applied to a part of the plains tribes by the forest-dwelling
Algonquian Indians. According to Trumbull, it was the popular appellation
of those tribes which call themselves Dakota, Lakota, or Nakota "A synopsis of the Indian tribes ... in North America," Trans, and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc.,
vol. II, p. 120. "Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 111-118. Johnson's Cyclopedia, 1893-95 edition, vol. VII, p. 546, etc.Nadowessioux, a Canadian-French corruption of Nadowe-ssi-wag
("the snake-like ones" or "enemies"), a term rooted in the Algonquian
nadowe ("a snake"); and some writers have applied the designation to
different portions of the stock, while others have rejected it because of
the offensive implication or for other reasons. So long ago as 1836,
however, Gallatin employed the term "Sioux" to designate collectively
"the nations which speak the Sioux language,"
In colloquial usage and in the usage of the ephemeral press, the term "Sioux" was applied sometimes to one but oftener to several of the allied tribes embraced in the first of the principal groups of which the stock is composed, i.e., the group or confederacy styling themselves Dakota. Sometimes the term was employed in its simple form, but as explorers and pioneers gained an inkling of the organization of the group, it was often compounded with the tribal name as "Santee-Sioux," "Yanktonnai-Sioux," "Sisseton-Sioux," etc. As acquaintance between white men and red increased, the stock name was gradually displaced by tribe names until the colloquial appellation "Sioux" became but a memory or tradition throughout much of the territory formerly dominated by the great Siouan stock. One of the reasons for the abandonment of the name was undoubtedly its inappropriateness as a designation for the confederacy occupying the plains of the upper Missouri, since it was an alien and opprobrious designation for a people bearing a euphonious appellation of their own. Moreover, colloquial usage was gradually influenced by the usage of scholars, who accepted the native name for the Dakota (spelled Dahcota by Gallatin) confederacy, as well as the tribal names adopted by Gallatin, Prichard, and others. Thus the ill-defined term "Sioux" has dropped out of use in the substantive form, and is retained, in the adjective form only, to designate a great stock to which no other collective name, either intern or alien, has ever been definitely and justly applied.
The earlier students of the Siouan Indians recognized the plains
tribes alone as belonging to that stock, and it has only recently been
shown that certain of the native forest-dwellers long ago encountered
by English colonists on the Atlantic coast were closely akin to the Correspondence with the Bureau of Ethnology.
Up to this time it was supposed that the eastern tribes "were merely
offshoots of the Dakota;" but in 1883 Hale observed that "while the
language of these eastern tribes is closely allied to that of the western
Dakota, it bears evidence of being older in form," "The Tutelo tribe and language," Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., vol. xxi, 3883, p. 1. Siouan Tribes of the East; Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894.
According to Dorsey, whose acquaintance with the Siouan Indians
was especially close, the main portion of the Siouan stock, occupying
the continental interior, comprised seven principal divisions (including The subdivisions are set forth, in the following treatise on "Siouan Sociology."
1. Dakota-Asiniboin
Dakota ("Friendly") or Ot´-ce-ti ca-ko-win ("Seven council-fires") confederacy,
comprising—
Asiuiboin ("Cook-with-stones people" in Algonquian), commonly called
Nakota among themselves, and called Hohe ("Rebels") by the
Dakota; an offshoot from the Yanktonnai; not studied in detail during
recent years; partly on Fort Peck reservation, Montana, mostly
in Canada; comprising in 1833 (according to Prince Maximilian) Travels in the Interior of North America; Translated by H. Evans Lloyd; London, 1843, p. 194.
In this and other lists of names taken from early writers the original orthography and interpretation
are preserved.
2. "Defined in" The ¢egiha Language," by J. Owen Dorsey, Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. VI, 1890, p. xv. Miss
Fletcher, who is intimately acquainted with the Omaha, questions whether the relations between the
tribes are so close as to warrant the maintenance of this division; yet as an expression of linguistic
affinity, at least, the division seems to be useful and desirable.¢egiha ("People Dwelling here")
Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the years 1819-1820. ... under the Command of Major S.H. Long, by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. ii, p. 47 et seq.
Corrupted to "Chancers" in early days; cf. James ibid., vol. III, p. 108.
3. ʇɔiwe´re ("People of this place")
4. Winnebago
Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning "Turbid water
people"?) or Ho-tcañ-ga-ra ("People of the parent speech"), Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United
States, part I, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 498.
5. Mandan
Mandan (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they
called themselves See-pohs-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, "People
of the pheasants;" Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, 4th
edition; London, 1844, vol. I, p. 80. Travels, op. cit., p. 335. History of the Expedition, under the Command of Lewis and Clark, by Elliott Coues, 1893, vol. I,
pp. 182-4. The other two villages enumerated appear to belong rather to the Hidatsa. Prince Maximilian
found but two villages in 1833, Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush and Ruhptare, evidently corresponding
to the first two mentioned by the earlier explorers (op. cit., p. 335).
6. Hidatsa
Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indiana; Miscel. Publ. No. 7, U.S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, 1877, p. 38.
7. Biloxi
8. Monakan
Monakan confederacy.
Tutelo.
Siouan Tribes of the East, p. 37. Local names derived from the Saponi dialect were recognized and interpreted by a Kwapa when pronounced by Dorsey.
?Manahoac confederacy, extinct.
9. Catawba or Ni-ya ("People")
10. Sara (extinct)
11. ? Pedee (extinct)
The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended
researches among the tribes and in the literature representing the
work of earlier observers, and may be regarded as satisfactory. In some
cases, notably the Dakota confederacy, the constitution of the divisions
is also satisfactory, though in others, including the Asiniboin,
Mandan, and Winnebago, the tabulation represents little more than
superficial enumeration of villages and bands, generally by observers
possessing little knowledge of Indian sociology or language. So far
as the survivors of the Biloxi are concerned the classification is satisfactory;
but there is doubt concerning the former limits of the
division, and also concerning the relations of the extinct tribes referred
to on slender, yet the best available, evidence. The classification of
The present population of the Siouan stock is probably between 40,000 and 45,000, including 2,000 or more (mainly Asiniboin) in Canada.
In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the accepted appellations for tribes and other groups are variously derived. Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock, given by alien peoples, including white men, though most are founded on the descriptive or other designations used in the groups to which they pertain. At first glance, the names seem to be loosely applied and perhaps vaguely defined, and this laxity in application and definition does not disappear, but rather increases, with closer examination.
There are special reasons for the indefiniteness of Indian nomenclature:
The aborigines were at the time of discovery, and indeed
most of them remain today, in the prescriptorial stage of culture, i.e.,
the stage in which ideas are crystallized, not by means of arbitrary
symbols, but by means of arbitrary associations, The leading culture stages are defined in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,
for 1891-92 (1896), p. xxiii et seq.
The principles controlling nomenclature in its inchoate stages are
illustrated among the Siouan peoples. So far as their own tongues were
concerned, the stock was nameless, and could not be designated save
through integral parts. Even the great Dakota confederacy, one of the
most extensive and powerful aboriginal organizations, bore no better
designation than a term probably applied originally to associated tribes
in a descriptive way and perhaps used as a greeting or countersign,
although there was an alternative proper descriptive term.—"Seven
Council-fires"—apparently of considerable antiquity, since it seems to
have been originally applied before the separation of the Asiniboin. Cf. Schoolcraft, "Information," etc, op. cit., pt. II, 1852, p. 169. Dorsey was inclined to consider
the number as made up without the Asiniboin. Riggs-Dorsey: "Dakota Grammar,Texts, and Ethnography," Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. IX, 1893, p. 164. Catlin: "Letters and Notes," op. cit., p. 80.
The meanings of most of the eastern names are lost; yet so far as they are preserved they are of a kind with those of the interior. So, too, are the subtribal names enumerated by Dorsey.
The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate community in interests and affinity in development; and while the arts (reflecting as they did the varying environment of a wide territorial range) were diversified, the similarity in language was, as is usual, accompanied by similarity in institutions and beliefs. Nearly all of the known dialects are eminently vocalic, and the tongues of the plains, which have been most extensively studied, are notably melodious; thus the leading languages of the group display moderately high phonetic development. In grammatic structure the better-known dialects are not so well developed; the structure is complex, chiefly through the large use of inflection, though agglutination sometimes occurs. In some cases the germ of organization is found in fairly definite juxtaposition or placement. The vocabulary is moderately rich, and of course represents the daily needs of a primitive people, their surroundings, their avocations, and their thoughts, while expressing little of the richer ideation of cultured cosmopolites. On the whole, the speech of the Siouan stock may be said to have been fairly developed, and may, with the Algonquian, Iroquoian, and Shoshonean, be regarded as typical for the portion of North America lying north of Mexico. Fortunately it has been extensively studied by Riggs, Hale, Dorsey, and several others, including distinguished representatives of some of the tribes, and is thus accessible to students. The high phonetic development of the Siouan tongues reflects the needs and records the history of the hunter and warrior tribes, whose phonetic symbols were necessarily so differentiated as to be intelligible in whisper, oratory, and war cry, as well as in ordinary converse, while the complex structure is in harmony with the elaborate social organization and ritual of the Siouan people.
Many of the Siouan Indians were adepts in the sign language; indeed, this mode of conveying intelligence attained perhaps its highest development among some of the tribes of this stock, who, with other plains Indians, developed pantomime and gesture into a surprisingly perfect art of expression adapted to the needs of huntsmen and warriors.
Most of the tribes were fairly proficient in pictography; totemic and
other designs were inscribed on bark and wood, painted on skins, Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America in the Years 1766, 1767, and 1768; London,
1778, p. 418.
It would appear that, in connection with their proficiency in gesture
speech and their meager graphic art, the Siouan Indians had become
masters in a vaguely understood system of dramaturgy or symbolized
conduct. Among them the use of the peace-pipe was general; among
several and perhaps all of the tribes the definite use of insignia was common;
among them the customary hierarchic organization of the aborigines
was remarkably developed and was maintained by an elaborate
and strict code of etiquette whose observance was exacted and yielded
by every tribesman. Thus the warriors, habituated to expressing and
recognizing tribal affiliation and status in address and deportment, were
notably observant of social minutiæ, and this habit extended into every
activity of their lives. They were ceremonious among themselves and
Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and flora, their industrial and esthetic arts can hardly be regarded as distinctive, and were indeed shared by other tribes of all neighboring stocks.
The best developed industries were hunting and warfare, though all
of the tribes subsisted in part on fruits, nuts, berries, tubers, grains,
and other vegetal products, largely wild, though sometimes planted
and even cultivated in rude fashion. The southwestern tribes, and to
some extent all of the prairie denizens and probably the eastern remnant,
grew maize, beans, pumpkins, melons, squashes, sunflowers, and
tobacco, though their agriculture seems always to have been subordinated
to the chase. Aboriginally, they appear to have had no domestic
animals except dogs, which, according to Carver—one of the first
white men seen by the prairie tribes,—were kept for their flesh, which
was eaten ceremonially, Op.cit., p.278. Op. cit., p. 445. Carver says, "The dogs employed by the Indians in hunting appear to be all of the
same species; they carry their ears erect, and greatly resemble a wolf about the head. They are
exceedingly useful to them in their hunting excursions and will attack the fiercest of the game they
are in pursuit of. They are also remarkable for their fidelity to their masters, but being ill fed by
them are very troublesome in their huts or tents." "Coues, "History of the Expedition," op. cit., vol. I, p. 140. A note adds, "The dogs are not large,
much resemble a wolf, and will haul about 70 pounds each." Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River ... under the Command of Stephen
H. Long, U.S.T.E., by William H. Keating; London, 1825, vol. I, p. 451; vol. II, p. 44, et al. Account
of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains ... under the Command of Major S.H.
Long, U.S.T.E., by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. I, pp. 155, 182, et al. Say remarks (James, loc. cit., p. 155) of the coyote(?), "This animal ... is probably the original
of the domestic dog, so common in the villages of the Indians of this region [about Council Bluffs
and Omaha], some of the varieties of which still retain much of the habit and manners of this
species." James says (loc. cit., vol. II, p. 13), "The dogs of the Konzas are generally of a mixed breed,
between our dogs with pendent ears and the native dogs, whose ears are universally erect. The
Indians of this nation seek every opportunity to cross the breed. These mongrel dogs are less common
with the Omawhaws, while the dogs of the Pawnees generally have preserved their original
form." Travels in the Interior of North America; London, 1843. The Prince adds, "In shape they differ
very little from the wolf, and are equally large and strong. Some are of the real wolf color; others
are black, white, or spotted with black and white, and differing only by the tail being rather more
turned up. Their voice is not a proper barking, but a howl like that of the wolf, and they partly
descend from wolves, which approach the Indian huts, even in the daytime, and mix with the dogs"
(cf. p. 203 et al.). Writing at the Mandan village, he says, "The Mandans and Manitaries have not, by
any means, so many dogs as the Assiniboin, Crows, and Blackfeet. They are rarely of true wolf
color, but generally black or white, or else resemble the wolf, but here they are more like the prairie
wolf ( "Letters and Notes," etc, vol. I, p. 14; of. p. 230 et al. He speaks (p. 201) of the Minitari canines
as "semiloup dogs and whelps." Keating's "Narrative," op. cit., vol. II, p. 452; James'
"Account," op. cit., vol. I, p.127 et al. According to Prince Maximilian, both the Mandan and Minitari kept owls in their lodges and
regarded them as soothsayers ("Travels," op. cit., pp. 383, 403), and the eagle was apparently tolerated
for the sake of his feathers.Canis latrans). We likewise found among these animals a brown race, descended from European
pointers; hence the genuine bark of the dog is more frequently heard here, whereas among the western
nations they only howl. The Indian dogs are worked very hard, have hard blows and hard fare; in
fact, they are treated just as this fine animal is treated among the Esquimaux" (p. 345).
The chief implements and weapons were of stone, wood, bone, horn,
and antler. According to Carver, the "Nadowessie" were skillful bowmen,
using also the "casse-tête" "Cassa Tate, the antient tomahawk" on the plate illustrating the objects ("Travels," op. cit., pl.
4, p. 298). Described by Coues, "History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark," 1893,
vol. I, p. 139, note.
Aboriginally the Siouan apparel was scanty, commonly comprising breechclout, moccasins, leggings, and robe, and consisted chiefly of dressed skins, though several of the tribes made simple fabrics of bast, rushes, and other vegetal substances. Fur robes and rush mats commonly served for bedding, some of the tribes using rude bedsteads. The buffalo-hunting prairie tribes depended largely for apparel, bedding, and habitations, as well as for food, on the great beast to whose comings and goings their movements were adjusted. Like other Indians, the Siouan hunters and their consorts quickly availed themselves of the white man's stuffs, as well as his metal implements, and the primitive dress was soon modified.
The woodland habitations were chiefly tent-shape structures of saplings
covered with bark, rush mats, skins, or bushes; the prairie habitations
were mainly earth lodges for winter and buffalo-skin tipis for
summer. Among many of the tribes these domiciles, simple as they
were, were constructed in accordance with an elaborate plan controlled
by ritual. According to Morgan, the framework of the aboriginal
Dakota house consisted of 13 poles; "Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines," Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. IV. 1881, p. 114.
Most of the Siouan men, women, and children were fine swimmers,
though they did not compare well with neighboring tribes as makers
and managers of water craft. The Dakota women made coracles of
buffalo hides, in which they transported themselves and their householdry,
but the use of these and other craft seems to have been regarded
as little better than a feminine weakness. Other tribes were better
boatmen; for the Siouan Indian generally preferred land travel to
journeying by water, and avoided the burden of vehicles by which his
There are many indications and some suggestive evidences that the
chief arts and certain institutions and beliefs, as well as the geographic
distribution, of the principal Siouan tribes were determined by a single
conspicuous feature in their environment—the buffalo. As Riggs,
Hale, and Dorsey have demonstrated, the original home of the Siouan
stock lay on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains, stretching
down over the Piedmont and Coastplain provinces to the shores of
the Atlantic between the Potomac and the Savannah. As shown by
Allen, the buffalo, "prior to the year 1800," spread eastward across the
Appalachians "The American Bisons, Living and Extinct," by J.A. Allen; Memoirs of the Geol. Survey of Kentucky,
vol. 1, pt. ii, 1876, map; also pp. 55, 72-101, et al.
The horse was acquired by the prairie tribes toward the end of the
last century. Carver (1766-1768) describes the methods of hunting
among the "Naudowessie" without referring to the horse, Op. cit., p. 283 et seq. Ibid., p. 435. Ibid., p. 294. "History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark," etc, by Elliott Coues, 1893
vol. 1, p. 175. It is noted that in winter the Mandan kept their horses in their lodges at night, and,
fed them on cottonwood branches. Ibid., pp. 220, 233, et al. Coues, Expedition of Lewis and Clark, vol. III, p. 839. Ibid., vol. I, p. 140. "The Story of the Indian," 1895, p. 237. James' "Account," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 126, 148; vol. II, p. 12 et al. Ibid., vol. III, p. 107. "Letters and Notes," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 142 (where the manner of lassoing wild horses is mentioned),
p. 251 et al.; "Travels," op. cit., p. 149 et al. (The Crow were said to have between 9,000 and
10,000 head, p. 174.) Keating in Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. II, appendix, p. 152. Riggs' "Dakota-English Dictionary,"
Cont. N.A. Eth., vol. VII, 1890.
Among the Siouan tribes, as among other Indians, amusements
absorbed a considerable part of the time and energy of the old and
young of both sexes. Among the young, the gambols, races, and
other sports were chiefly or wholly diversional, and commonly mimicked
the avocations of the adults. The girls played at the building
and care of houses and were absorbed in dolls, while the boys played
at archery, foot racing, and mimic hunting, which soon grew into
the actual chase of small birds and animals. Some of the sports of the
elders were unorganized diversions, leaping, racing, wrestling, and
other spontaneous expressions of exuberance. Certain diversions were
controlled by more persistent motive, as when the idle warrior occupied
his leisure in meaningless ornamentation of his garment or tipi, or
spent hours of leisure in esthetic modification of his weapon or ceremonial
badge, and to this purposeless activity, which engendered
design with its own progress, the incipient graphic art of the tribes
was largely due. The more important and characteristic sports were
organized and interwoven with social organization and belief so as
commonly to take the form of elaborate ceremonial, in which dancing,
feasting, fasting, symbolic painting, song, and sacrifice played important
parts, and these organized sports were largely fiducial. To many Op. cit., p. 265.
Among many of the Siouan tribes, games of chance were played habitually and with great avidity, both men and women becoming so absorbed as to forget avocations and food, mothers even neglecting their children; for, as among other primitive peoples, the charm of hazard was greater than among the enlightened. The games were not specially distinctive, and were less widely differentiated than in certain other Indian stocks. The sport or game of chungke stood high in favor among the young men in many of the tribes, and was played as a game partly of chance, partly of skill; but dice games (played with plum stones among the southwestern prairie tribes) were generally preferred, especially by the women, children, and older men. The games were partly, sometimes wholly, diversional, but generally they were in large part divinatory, and thus reflected the hazardous occupations and low culture-status of the people. One of the evils resulting from the advent of the whites was the introduction of new games of chance which tended further to pervert the simple Siouan mind; but in time the evil brought its own remedy, for association with white gamblers taught the ingenuous sortilegers that there is nothing divine or sacred about the gaming table or the conduct of its votaries.
The primitive Siouan music was limited to the chant and rather
simple vocal melody, accompanied by rattle, drum, and flute, the drum
among the northwestern tribes being a skin bottle or bag of water. "A study of Omaha Indian Music, by Alice C. Fletcher ... aided by Francis La Flesche,
with a report on the structural peculiarities of the music, by John Comfort Fillmore, A.M.;" Arch.
and Eth. papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. I, No. 5, 1893, pp. i-vi + 7-152 (=231-382).
The germ of painting was revealed in the calendars and the seed of sculpture in the carvings of the Sionan Indians. The pictographic paintings comprised not only recognizable but even vigorous representations of men and animals, depicted in form and color though without perspective, while the calumet of catlinite was sometimes chiseled into striking verisimilitude of human and animal forms in miniature. To the collector these representations suggest fairly developed art, though to the Indian they were mainly, if not wholly, symbolic; for everything indicates that the primitive artisan had not yet broken the shackles of fetichistic symbolism, and had little conception of artistic portrayal for its own sake.
Among civilized peoples, institutions are crystallized in statutes
about nuclei of common law or custom; among peoples in the prescriptorial
culture-stage statutes are unborn, and various mnemonic devices
are employed for fixing and perpetuating institutions; and, as is usual
in this stage, the devices involve associations which appear to be
essentially arbitrary at the outset, though they tend to become natural
through the survival of the fittest. A favorite device for perpetuating
institutions among the primitive peoples of many districts on different
continents is the taboo, or prohibition, which is commonly fiducial but
is often of general application. This device finds its best development
in the earlier stages in the development of belief, and is normally connected
with totemism. Another device, which is remarkably widespread,
as shown by Morgan, is kinship nomenclature. This device rests
on a natural and easily ascertained basis, though its applications are
arbitrary and vary widely from tribe to tribe and from culture-status
to culture-status. A third device, which found much favor among the
American aborigines and among some other primitive peoples, may be
called Ordination, as the term is here used, comprehends regimentation as defined by Powell, yet relates
especially to the method of reckoning from the constantly recognized but ever varying standpoint of
prescriptorial culture.ordination, or the arrangement of individuals and groups classified
from the prescriptorial point of view of Self, Here, and Now, with
respect to each other or to some dominant personage or group. This
device seems to have grown out of the kin-name system, in which the
Ego is the basis from which relation is reckoned. It tends to develop
into federate organization on the one hand or into caste on the other
hand, according to the attendant conditions.
Among the Siouan Indians the devices of taboo, kin-names, and ordination are found in such relation as to throw some light on the growth of primitive institutions. While they blend and are measurably involved with thaumaturgic devices, there are indications that in a general way the three devices stand for stages in the development of law. Among the best-known tribes the taboo pertained to the clan, and was used (in a much more limited way than among some other peoples) to commemorate and perpetuate the clan organization; kin-names, which were partly natural and thus normal to the clan organization, and at the same time partly artificial and thus characteristic of gentile organization, served to commemorate and perpetuate not only the family relations but the relations of the constituent elements of the tribe; while the ordination, expressed in the camping circle, in the phratries, in the ceremonials, and in many other ways, served to commemorate intertribal as well as intergentile relations, and thus to promote peace and harmonious action. It is significant that the taboo was less potent among the Siouan Indians than among some other stocks, and that among some tribes it has not been found; and it is especially significant that in some instances the taboo was apparently inversely related to kin-naming and ordination, as among the Biloxi, where the taboo is exceptionally weak and kin-naming exceptionally strong, and among the Dakota, where the system of ordination attained perhaps its highest American development in domiciliary arrangement, while the taboo was limited in function; for the relations indicate that the taboo was archaic or even vestigial. It is noteworthy also that among most of the Siouan tribes the kin-name system was less elaborate than in many other stocks, while the system of ordination is so elaborate as to constitute one of the leading characteristics of the stock.
At the time of the discovery, most of the Siouan tribes had apparently
passed into gentile organization, though vestiges of clan organization
were found—e.g., among the best-known tribes the man was the head
of the family, though the tipi usually belonged to the woman. Thus, as
defined by institutions, the stock was just above savagery and just
within the lower stages of barbarism. Accordingly the governmental
functions were hereditary in the male line, yet the law of heredity was
subject to modification or suspension at the will of the group, commonly
at the instance of rebels or usurpers of marked prowess or shrewdness.
The property regulations were definite and strictly observed; as among
other barbarous peoples, the land was common to the tribe or other group
occupying it, yet was defended against alien invasion; the ownership
of movable property was a combination of communalism and individualism
delicately adjusted to the needs and habits of the several tribes—
Although of primary importance in shaping the career of the Siouan tribes, the marital institutions of the stock were not specially distinctive. Marriage was usually effected by negotiation through parents or elders; among some of the tribes the bride was purchased, while among others there was an interchange of presents. Polygyny was common; in several of the tribes the bride's sisters became subordinate wives of the husband. The regulations concerning divorce and the punishment of infidelity were somewhat variable among the different tribes, some of whom furnished temporary wives to distinguished visitors. Generally there were sanctions for marriage by elopement or individual choice. In every tribe, so far as known, gentile exogamy prevailed—i.e., marriage in the gens was forbidden, under pain of ostracism or still heavier penalty, while the gentes intermarried among one another; in some cases intermarriage between certain tribes was regarded with special favor. There seems to have been no system of marriage by capture, though captive women were usually espoused by the successful tribesmen, and girls were sometimes abducted. In general it would appear that intergentile and intertribal marriage was practiced and sanctioned by the sages, and that it tended toward harmony and federation, and thus contributed much toward the increase and diffusion of the great Siouan stock.
As set forth in some detail by Dorsey, the ordination of the Siouan tribes extended beyond the hierarchic organization into families, subgentes, gentes, tribes, and confederacies; there were also phratries, sometimes (perhaps typically) arranged in pairs; there were societies or associations established on social or fiducial bases; there was a general arrangement or classification of each group on a military basis, as into soldiers and two or more classes of noncombatants, etc. Among the Siouan peoples, too, the individual brotherhood of the David-Jonathan or Damon-Pythias type was characteristically developed. Thus the corporate institutions were interwoven and superimposed in a manner nearly as complex as that found in the national, state, municipal, and minor institutions of civilization; yet the ordination preserved by means of the camping circle, the kinship system, the simple series of taboos, and the elaborate symbolism was apparently so complete as to meet every social and governmental demand.
As explained by Powell, philosophies and beliefs may be seriated in
four stages: The first stage is hecastotheism; in this stage extranatural
or mysterious potencies are imputed to objects both animate
In hecastotheism the believer finds mysterious properties and potencies everywhere. To his mind every object is endued with occult power, moved by a vague volition, actuated by shadowy motive ranging capriciously from malevolence to benevolence; in his lax estimation some objects are more potent or more mysterious than others, the strong, the sharp, the hard, and the swift-moving rising superior to the feeble, the dull, the soft, and the slow. Commonly he singles out some special object as his personal, family, or tribal mystery-symbol or fetich, the object usually representing that which is most feared or worst hated among his surroundings. Vaguely realizing from the memory of accidents or unforeseen events that he is dependent on his surroundings, he invests every feature of his environment with a capricious humor reflecting his own disposition, and gives to each and all a subtlety and inscrutability corresponding to his exalted estimation of his own craft in the chase and war; and, conceiving himself to live and move only at the mercy of his multitudinous associates, he becomes a fatalist—kismet is his watchword, and he meets defeat and death with resignation, just as he goes to victory with complacence; for so it was ordained.
Zootheism is the offspring of hecastotheism. As the primitive
believer assigns special potency or mystery to the strong and the swift,
he gradually comes to give exceptional rank to self-moving animals;
as his experience of the strength, alertness, swiftness, and courage of
his animate enemy or prey increases, these animals are invested with
successively higher and higher attributes, each reflecting the mental
operations of the mystical huntsman, and in time the animals with
which the primitive believers are most intimately associated come to be
regarded as tutelary daimons of supernatural power and intelligence.
At first the animals, like the undifferentiated things of hecastotheism,
Physitheism, in its turn, springs from zootheism. Through contemplation
of the strong the idea of strength arises, and a means is found
for bringing the bear into analogy with thunder, with the sun, or with
the avalanche-bearing mountain; through contemplation of the swift the
concept of swiftness is engendered, and comparison of the deer with
the wind or rushing river is made easy; through contemplation of the
deadly stroke of the rattlesnake the notion of death-dealing power
assumes shape, and comparison of the snake bite and the lightning
stroke is made possible; and in every case it is inevitably perceived
that the agency is stronger, swifter, deadlier than the animal. At
first the agency is not abstracted or dissociated from the parent
zootheistic concept, and the sun is the mightiest animal as among many
peoples, the thunder is the voice of the bear as among different woodland
tribes or the flapping of the wings of the great ancient eagle as
among the Dakota and ¢egiha, while lightning is the great serpent of
the sky as among the Zuñi. Subsequently the zoic concept fades, and
the constant association of human intellectual qualities engenders an
anthropic concept, when the sun becomes an anthropomorphic deity
(perhaps bearing a dazzling mask, as among the Zuñi), and thunder is
Psychotheism is born of physitheism as the anthropomorphic element in the concept of natural agency gradually fades; but since none of the aborigines of the United States had passed into the higher stage, the mode of transition does not require consideration.
It is to be borne in mind that throughout the course of development of belief, from the beginning of hecastotheism into the borderland of psychotheism, the dominant characteristic is the vague notion of mystery. At first the mystery pervades all things and extends in all directions, representing an indefinite ideal world, which is the counterpart of the real world with the addition of human qualities. Gradually the mystery segregates, deepening with respect to animals and disappearing with respect to inanimate things; and at length the slowly changing mysteries shape themselves into semiabstractions having a strong anthropic cast, while the remainder of the earth and the things thereof gradually become real, though they remain under the spell and dominion of the mysterious. Thus at every stage the primitive believer is a mystic—a fatalist in one stage, a beast worshiper in another, a thaumaturgist in a third, yet ever and first of all a mystic. It is also to be borne in mind (and the more firmly because of a widespread misapprehension) that the primitive believer, up to the highest stage attained by the North American Indian, is not a psychotheist, much less a monotheist. His "Great Spirit" is simply a great mystery, perhaps vaguely anthropomorphic, oftener zoomorphic, yet not a spirit, which he is unable to conceive save by reflection of the white man's concept and inquiry; and his departed spirit is but a shade, much like that of the ancient Greeks, the associate and often the inferior of animal shades.
While the four stages in development of belief are fundamentally
distinct, they nevertheless overlap in such manner as apparently, and
in a measure really, to coexist and blend. Culture progress is slow.
In biotic development the effect of beneficial modification is felt immediately,
and the modified organs or organisms are stimulated and
strengthened cumulatively, while the unmodified are enfeebled and
paralyzed cumulatively through inactivity and quickly pass toward
atrophy and extinction. Conversely in demotic development, which
is characterized by the persistence of the organisms and by the elimination
of the bad and the preservation of the good among qualities
only, there is a constant tendency toward retardation of progress; for
in savagery and barbarism as in civilization, age commonly produces
conservatism, and at the same time brings responsibility for the conduct
of old and young, so that modification, howsoever beneficial, is
It was partly through pioneer study of the Siouan Indians that the
popular fallacy concerning the aboriginal "Great Spirit" gained currency;
and it was partly through the work of Dorsey among the ¢egiha
and Dakota tribes, first as a missionary and afterward as a linguist,
that the early error was corrected. Among these tribes the creation
and control of the world and the things thereof are ascribed to
"wa-kan-da" (the term varying somewhat from tribe to tribe), just as
among the Algonquian tribes omnipotence was assigned to "ma-ni-do"
("Manito the Mighty" of "Hiawatha"); yet inquiry shows that
wakanda assumes various forms, and is rather a quality than a definite
entity. Thus, among many of the tribes the sun is wakanda—not the
wakanda or a wakanda, but simply wakanda; and among the same
tribes the moon is wakanda, and so is thunder, lightning, the stars, the
winds, the cedar, and various other things; even a man, especially a
shaman, might be wakanda or a wakanda. In addition the term was
applied to mythic monsters of the earth, air, and waters; according to
some of the sages the ground or earth, the mythic under-world, the
ideal upper-world, darkness, etc, were wakanda or wakandas. So, too,
the fetiches and the ceremonial objects and decorations were wakanda
among different tribes. Among some of the groups various animals
and other trees besides the specially wakanda cedar were regarded as
wakandas; as already noted, the horse, among the prairie tribes, was
the wakanda dog. In like manner many natural objects and places of
striking character were considered wakanda. Thus the term was
applied to all sorts of entities and ideas, and was used (with or without
inflectional variations) indiscriminately as substantive and adjective,
and with slight modification as verb and adverb. Manifestly a
term so protean is not susceptible of translation into the more highly
differentiated language of civilization. Manifestly, too, the idea
expressed by the term is indefinite, and can not justly be rendered into
"spirit," much less into "Great Spirit;" though it is easy to understandnda
vaguely connotes also "power," "sacred," "ancient," "grandeur,"
"animate," "immortal," and other words, yet does not express with
any degree of fullness and clearness the ideas conveyed by these terms
singly or collectively—indeed, no English sentence of reasonable length
can do justice to the aboriginal idea expressed by the term wakanda.
While the beliefs of many of the Siouan tribes are lost through the
extinction of the tribesmen or transformed through acculturation, it is
fortunate that a large body of information concerning the myths and
ceremonials of several prairie tribes has been collected. The records
of Carver, Lewis and Clark, Say, Catlin, and Prince Maximilian are of
great value when interpreted in the light of modern knowledge. More
recent researches by Miss Fletcher Several of these are summarized in "The emblematic use of the tree in the Dakota group,"
Science, n.s., vol. IV, 1896, pp. 475-487. Notably "A Study of Siouan Cults," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for
1889-0*0 (1894), pp. 351-544.
The organization of the vague Siouan thearchy appears to have
varied from group to group. Among all of the tribes whose beliefs
are known, the sun was an important wakanda, perhaps the leading one
potentially, though usually of less immediate consideration than certain
others, such as thunder, lightning, and the cedar tree; among
the Osage the sun was invoked as "grandfather," and among various
tribes there were sun ceremonials, some of which are still maintained;
among the Omaha and Ponka, according to Miss Fletcher, the mythic
thunder-bird plays a prominent, perhaps dominant rôle, and the cedar
tree or pole is deified as its tangible representative. The moon was
wakanda among the Osage and the stars among the Omaha and Ponka,
yet they seem to have occupied subordinate positions; the winds and
the four quarters were apparently given higher rank; and, in individual
cases, the mythic water-monsters or earth-deities seem to have occupied
leading positions. On the whole, it may be safe to consider thenda of the heavens. Under these controlling
wakandas, other members of the series were vaguely and variably
arranged. Somewhere in the lower ranks, sacred animals—especially
sports, such as the white buffalo cow—were placed, and still lower
came totems and shamans, which, according to Dorsey, were reverenced
rather than worshiped. It is noteworthy that this thearchic arrangement
corresponded in many respects with the hierarchic social organization
of the stock.
The Siouan thearchy was invoked and adored by means of forms and ceremonies, as well as through orisons. The set observances were highly elaborate; they comprised dancing and chanting, feasting and fasting, and in some cases sacrifice and torture, the shocking atrocities of the Mandan and Minitari rites being especially impressive. From these great collective devotions the ceremonials graded down through war-dance and hunting-feast to the terpsichorean grace extolled by Carver, and to individual fetich worship. In general the adoration expressed fear of the evil rather than love of the good—but this can hardly be regarded as a distinctive feature, much less a peculiar one.
Some of the mystery places were especially distinctive and noteworthy.
Foremost among them was the sacred pipestone quarry near
Big Sioux river, whence the material for the wakanda calumet was
obtained; another was the far-famed Minne-wakan of North Dakota,
not inaptly translated "Devil's lake;" a third was the mystery-rock or
medicine-rock of the Mandan and Hidatsa near Yellowstone river; and
there were many others of less importance. About all of these places
picturesque legends and myths clustered.
The Siouan mythology is especially instructive, partly because so well recorded, partly because it so clearly reflects the habits and customs of the tribesmen and thus gives an indirect reflection of a well-marked environment. As among so many peoples, the sun is a prominent element; the ice-monsters of the north and the rain-myths of the arid region are lacking, and are replaced by the frequent thunder and the trees shaken by the storm-winds; the mythic creatures are shaped in the image of the indigenous animals and birds; the myths center in the local rocks and waters; the mysterious thearchy corresponds with the tribal hierarchy, and the attributes ascribed to the deities are those characteristic of warriors and hunters.
Considering the mythology in relation to the stages in development
of mythologic philosophy, it appears that the dominant beliefs, such as
those pertaining to the sun and the winds, represent a crude physitheism,
while vestiges of hecastotheism crop out in the object-worship
and place-worship of the leading tribes and in other features. At the
The vigorous avocations of the chase and war were reflected in fine stature, broad and deep chests, strong and clean limbs, and sound constitution among the Siouan tribesmen and their consorts. The skin was of the usual coppery cast characteristic of the native American; the teeth were strong, indicating and befitting a largely carnivorous diet, little worn by sandy foods, and seldom mutilated; the hands and feet were commonly large and sinewy. The Siouan Indians were among those who impressed white pioneers by the parallel placing of the feet; for, as among other walkers and runners, who rest sitting and lying, the feet assumed the pedestrian attitude of approximate parallelism rather than the standing attitude of divergence forward. The hair was luxuriant, stiff, straight, and more uniformly jet black than that of the southerly stocks; it was worn long by the women and most of the men, though partly clipped or shaved in some tribes by the warriors as well as the worthless dandies, who, according to Catlin, spent more time over their toilets than ever did the grande dame of Paris. The women were beardless and the men more or less nearly so; commonly the men plucked out by the roots the scanty hair springing on their faces, as did both sexes that on other parts of the body. The crania were seldom deformed artificially save through cradle accident, and while varying considerably in capacity and in the ratio of length to width were usually mesocephalic. The facial features were strong, yet in no way distinctly unlike those found among neighboring peoples.
Since the advent of white men the characteristics of the Siouan
Indians, like those of other tribes, have been somewhat modified, partly
through infusion of Caucasian blood but chiefly through acculturation.
With the abandonment of hunting and war and the tardy adoption of
a slothful, semidependent agriculture, the frame has lost something
of its stalwart vigor; with the adaptation of the white man's costume
and the incomplete assimilation of his hygiene, various weaknesses and
disorders have been developed; and through imitation the erstwhile
luxuriant hair is cropped, and the beard, made scanty through generations
of extirpation, is commonly cultivated. Although the accultural
condition of the Siouan survivors ranges from the essentially
primitive status of the Asiniboin to the practical civilization of the
representatives of several tribes, it is fair to consider the stock in a
Briefly, certain somatic features of the Siouan Indians, past and present, may be traced to their causes in custom and exercise of function; yet by far the greater number of the features are common to the American people or to all mankind, and are of ill-understood significance. The few features of known cause indicate that special somatic characteristics are determined largely or wholly by industrial and other arts, which are primarily shaped by environment.
Excepting the Asiniboin, who are chiefly in Canada, nearly all of the Siouan Indians are now gathered on the reservations indicated on earlier pages, most of these reservations lying within the aboriginal territory of the stock.
At the advent of white men, the Siouan territory was vaguely defined, and its limits were found to vary somewhat from exploration to exploration. This vagueness and variability of habitat grew out of the characteristics of the tribesmen. Of all the great stocks south of the Arctic, the Siouan was perhaps least given to agriculture, most influenced by hunting, and most addicted to warfare; thus most of the tribes were but feebly attached to the soil, and freely followed the movements of the feral fauna as it shifted with climatic vicissitudes or was driven from place to place by excessive hunting or by fires set to destroy the undergrowth in the interests of the chase; at the same time, the borderward tribes were alternately driven and led back and forth through strife against the tribes of neighboring stocks. Accordingly the Siouan habitat can be outlined only in approximate and somewhat arbitrary fashion.
The difficulty in defining the priscan home of the Siouan tribes is
increased by its vast extent and scant peopling, by the length of the
period intervening between discovery in the east and complete exploration
in the west, and by the internal changes and migrations which
occurred during this period. The task of collating the records of
exploration and pioneer observation concerning the Siouan and other
stocks was undertaken by Powell a few years ago, and was found to be
of great magnitude. It was at length successfully accomplished, and
the respective areas occupied by the several stocks were approximately
mapped. Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1891), pp. 1-142, and map.
As shown on Powell's map, the chief part of the Siouan area comprised
a single body covering most of the region of the Great plains,
There is little probability that the Siouan habitat, as thus outlined, ran far into the prehistoric age. As already noted, the Siouan Indians of the plains were undoubtedly descended from the Siouan tribes of the east (indeed the Mandan had a tradition to that effect); and reason has been given for supposing that the ancestors of the prairie hunters followed the straggling buffalo through the cis-Mississippi forests into his normal trans-Mississippi habitat and spread over his domain save as they were held in check by alien huntsmen, chiefly of the warlike Caddoan and Kiowan tribes; and the buffalo itself was a geologically recent—indeed essentially post-glacial—animal. Little if any definite trace of Siouan occupancy has been found in the more ancient prehistoric works of the Mississippi valley. On the whole it appears probable that the prehistoric development of the Siouan stock and habitat was exceptionally rapid, that the Siouan Indians were a vigorous and virile people that arose quickly under the stimulus of strong vitality (the acquisition of which need not here be considered), coupled with exceptionally favorable opportunity, to a power and glory culminating about the time of discovery.
The demotic organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is
set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey's treatises Chiefly "Omaha Sociology," Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1881-82 (1884), pp. 205-370; "A study of
Siouan cults," Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-544, and that printed on the
following pages.
Like the other aborigines north of Mexico, the Siouan Indians were organized on the basis of kinship, and were thus in the stage of tribal society. All of the best-known tribes had reached that plane in organization characterized by descent in the male line, though many vestiges and some relatively unimportant examples of descent in the female line have been discovered. Thus the clan system was obsolescent and the gentile system fairly developed; i. e., the people were practically out of the stage of savagery and well advanced in the stage of barbarism.
Confederation for defense and offense was fairly defined and was strengthened by intermarriage between tribes and gentes and the prohibition of marriage within the gens; yet the organization was such as to maintain tribal autonomy in considerable degree; i.e., the social structure was such as to facilitate union in time of war and division into small groups adapted to hunting in times of peace. No indication of feudalism has been found in the stock.
The government was autocratic, largely by military leaders sometimes (particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests; the leadership was determined primarily by ability—prowess in war and the chase and wisdom in the council,—and was thus hereditary only a little further than characteristics were inherited; indeed, excepting slight recognition of the divinity that doth hedge about a king, the leaders were practically self-chosen, arising gradually to the level determined by their abilities. The germ of theocracy was fairly developed, and apparently burgeoned vigorously during each period of peace, only to be checked and withered during the ensuing war when the shamans and their craft were forced into the background.
During recent years, since the tribes began to yield to the domination of the peace-loving whites, the government and election are determined chiefly by kinship, as appears from Dorsey's researches; yet definite traces of the militant organization appear, and any man can win name and rank in his gens, tribe, or confederacy by bravery or generosity.
The institutional connection between the Siouan tribes of the plains and those of the Atlantic slope and the Gulf coast is completely lost, and it is doubtful whether the several branches have ever been united in a single confederation (or "nation," in the language of the pioneers), at least since the division in the Appalachian region perhaps five or ten centuries ago. Since this division the tribes have separated widely, and some of the bloodiest wars of the region in the historic period have been between Siouan tribes; the most extensive union possessing the slightest claim to federal organization was the great Dakota confederacy, which was grown into instability and partial disruption; and most of the tribal unions and coalitions were of temporary character.
Although highly elaborate (perhaps because of this character), the
Siouan organization was highly unstable; with every shock of conflict,
whether intestine or external, some autocrats were displaced or slain;
and after each important event—great battle, epidemic, emigration, or
destructive flood—new combinations were formed. The undoubtedly
rapid development of the stock, especially after the passage of the
Mississippi, indicates growth by conquest and assimilation as well as
by direct propagation (it is known that the Dakota and perhaps other
groups adopted aliens regularly); and, doubtless for this reason in
part, there was a strong tendency toward differentiation and dichotomy
in the demotic growth. In some groups the history is too vague to
indicate this tendency with certainty; in others the tendency is clear.
The half-dozen eastern stocks occupying by far the greater part of North America contrast strongly with the half-hundred local stocks covering the Pacific coast; and none of the strong Atlantic stocks is more characteristic, more sharply contrasted with the limited groups of the western coast, or better understood as regards organization and development, than the great Siouan stock of the northern interior. There is promise that, as the demology of aboriginal America is pushed forward, the records relating to the Siouan Indians and especially to their structure and institutions will aid in explaining why some stocks are limited and others extensive, why large stocks in general characterize the interior and small stocks the coasts, and why the dominant peoples of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were successful in displacing the preexistent and probably more primitive peoples of the Mississippi valley. While the time is not yet ripe for making final answer to these inquiries, it is not premature to suggest a relation between a peculiar development of the aboriginal stocks and a peculiar geographic conformation: In general the coastward stocks are small, indicating a provincial shoreland habit, yet their population and area commonly increase toward those shores indented by deep bays, along which maritime and inland industries naturally blend; so (confining attention to eastern United States) the extensive Muskhogean stock stretches inland from the deep-bayed eastern Gulf coast; and so, too, three of the largest stocks on the continent (Algonquian, Iroquoian, Siouan) stretch far into the interior from the still more deeply indented Atlantic coast. In two of these cases (Iroquoian and Siouan) history and tradition indicate expansion and migration from the land of bays between Cape Lookout and Cape May, while in the third there are similar (though perhaps less definite) indications of an inland drift from the northern Atlantic bays and along the Laurentian river and lakes.
Taken chiefly from notes and manuscripts prepared by Mr Dorsey.
The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit Relations as early as 1639-40;
the tradition is noted that the Ojibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in
an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives
According to traditions collected by Dorsey, the Teton took possession of the Black Hills region, which had previously been occupied by the Crow Indians, long before white men came; and the Yankton and Yanktonnai, which were found on the Missouri by Lewis and Clark, were not long removed from the region about Minnesota river. In 1862 the Santee and other Dakota tribes united in a formidable outbreak in which more than 1,000 whites were massacred or slain in battle. Through this outbreak and the consequent governmental action toward the control and settlement of the tribes, much was learned concerning the characteristics of the people, and various Indian leaders became known; Spotted Tail, Red Cloud, Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull, American Horse, and Even-his-horse-is-feared (commonly miscalled Man-afraid-of-his-horses) were among the famous Dakota chiefs and warriors, notable representatives of a passing race, whose names are prominent in the history of the country. Other outbreaks occurred, the last of note resulting from the ghost-dance fantasy in 1890-91, which fortunately was quickly suppressed. Yet, with slight interruptions, the Dakota tribes in the United States were steadily gathered on reservations. Some 800 or more still roam the prairies north of the international boundary, but the great body of the confederacy, numbering nearly 28,000, are domiciled on reservations (already noted) in Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota.
The separation of the Asiniboin from the Wazi-kute gens of the
Yanktonai apparently occurred before the middle of the seventeenth
century, since the Jesuit relation of 1658 distinguishes between the
Poualak or Guerriers (undoubtedly the Dakota proper) and the Assiuipoualak
or Guerriers de pierre. The Asiniboin are undoubtedly the
Essanape (Essanapi or Assinapi) who were next to the Makatapi
(Dakota) in the Walam-Olum record of the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware.
In 1680 Hennepin located the Asiniboin northeast of the Issati (Isanyati
or Santee) who were on Knife lake (Minnesota); and the Jesuit
map of 1681 placed them on Lake-of-the-Woods, then called "L. Assinepoualacs."
La Hontan claimed to have visited the Eokoro (Arikara)
According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of the Omaha, Ponka, Elwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working westward. The first separation took place at the mouth of the Ohio, when those who went down the Mississippi became the Kwapa or Downstream People, while those who ascended the great river became the Omaha or Up-stream People. This separation must have occurred at least as early as 1500, since it preceded De Soto's discovery of the Mississippi.
The Omaha group (from whom the Osage, Kansa, and Ponka were not yet separated) ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Missouri, where they remained for some time, though war and hunting parties explored the country northwestward, and the body of the tribe gradually followed these pioneers, though the Osage and Kansa were successively left behind. Some of the pioneer parties discovered the pipestone quarry, and many traditions cling about this landmark. Subsequently they were driven across the Big Sioux by the Yankton Indians, who then lived toward the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi. The group gradually differentiated and finally divided through the separation of the Ponka, probably about the middle of the seventeenth century. The Omaha gathered south of the Missouri, between the mouths of the Platte and Niobrara, while the Ponka pushed into the Black Hills country.
The Omaha tribe remained within the great bend of the Missouri,
opposite the mouth of the Big Sioux, until white men came. Their
hunting ground extended westward and southwestward, chiefly north
of the Platte and along the Elkhorn, to the territory of the Ponka and
the Pawnee (Caddoan); and in 1766 Carver met their hunting parties
on Minnesota river. Toward the end of the eighteenth century they
were nearly destroyed by smallpox, their number having been reduced
from about 3,500 to but little over 300 when they were visited by Lewis
Although the name Ponka did not appear in history before 1700 it must have been used for many generations earlier, since it is an archaic designation connected with the social organization of several tribes and the secret societies of the Osage and Kansa, as well as the Ponka. In 1700 the Ponka were indicated on De l'Isle's map, though they were not then segregated territorially from the Omaha. They, too, suffered terribly from the smallpox epidemic, and when met by Lewis and Clark in 1804 numbered only about 200. They increased rapidly, reaching about 600 in 1829 and some 800 in 1842; in 1871, when they were first visited by Dorsey, they numbered 747. Up to this time the Ponka and Dakota were amicable; but a dispute grew out of the cession of lands, and the Teton made annual raids on the Ponka until the enforced removal of the tribe to Indian Territory took place in 1877. Through this warfare, more than a quarter of the Ponka lost their lives. The displacement of this tribe from lands owned by them in fee simple attracted attention, and a commission was appointed by President Hayes in 1880 to inquire into the matter; the commission, consisting of Generals Crook and Miles and Messrs William Stickney and Walter Allen, visited the Ponka settlements in Indian Territory and on the Niobrara and effected a satisfactory arrangement of the affairs of the tribe, through which the greater portion (some 600) remained in Indian Territory, while some 225 kept their reservation in Nebraska.
When the ¢egiha divided at the mouth of the Ohio, the ancestors
of the Osage and Kansa accompanied the main Omaha body up the
Mississippi to the mouth of Osage river. There the Osage separated
from the group, ascending the river which bears their name. They
were distinguished by Marquette in 1673 as the "Ouchage" and
"Autrechaha," and by Penicaut in 1719 as the "Huzzau," "Ous," and
"Wawha." According to Croghan, they were, in 1759, on "White
creek, a branch of the Mississippi," with the "Grand Tuc;" but"White
creek" (or White water) was an old designation for Osage river, and
"Grand Tuc" is, according to Mooney, a corruption of "Grandes Eaux,"
or Great Osage; and there is accordingly no sufficient reason for supposing
that they returned to the Mississippi. Toward the close of the
eighteenth century the Osage and Kansa encountered the Comanche
and perhaps other Shoshonean peoples, and their course was turned
southward; and in 1817, according to Brown, the Great Osage and
Little Osage were chiefly on Osage and Arkansas rivers, in four villages.
In 1829 Porter described their country as beginning 25 miles
west of the Missouri line and running to the Mexican line of that date,
being 50 miles wide; and he gave their number as 5,000. According to
The Kansa remained with the Up-stream People in their gradual ascent of the Missouri to the mouth of the Kaw or Kansas, when they diverged westward; but they soon came in contact with inimical peoples, and, like the Osage, were driven southward. The date of this divergence is not fixed, but it must have been after 1723, when Bourgmont mentioned a large village of "Quans" located on a small river flowing northward thirty leagues above Kaw river, near the Missouri. After the cession of Louisiana to the United States, a treaty was made with the Kansa Indians, who were then on Kaw river, at the mouth of the Saline, having been forced back from the Missouri by the Dakota; they then numbered about 1,500 and occupied about thirty earth lodges. In 1825 they ceded their lands on the Missouri to the Government, retaining a reservation on the Kaw, where they were constantly subjected to attacks from the Pawnee and other tribes, through which large numbers of their warriors were slain. In 1846 they again ceded their lands and received a new reservation on Neosho river in Kansas. This was soon overrun by settlers, when another reservation was assigned to them in Indian Territory, near the Osage country. By 1890 their population was reduced to 214.
The Kwapa were found by De Soto in 1541 on the Mississippi above
the mouth of the St Francis, and, according to Marquette's map, they
were partly east of the Mississippi in 1673. In 1681 La Salle found
them in three villages distributed along the Mississippi, and soon afterward
Tonty mentioned four villages, one (Kappa = Uʞaqpaqti, "Real
Kwapa") on the Mississippi and three (Toyengan = Tanwan-jiʞa, "Small
Village"; Toriman = Ti-uad¢iman, and Osotonoy = Uzutiuwe) inland;
this observation was verified by Dorsey in 1883 by the discovery that
these names are still in use. In early days the Kwapa were known as
"Akansa," or Arkansa, first noted by La Metairie in 1682. It is probable
that this name was an Algonquian designation given because of
confusion with, or recognition of affinity to, the Kansa or Kanze, the
prefix "a" being a common one in Algouquian appellations. In 1687
Joutel located two of the villages of the tribe on the Arkansas and
two on the Mississippi, one of the latter being on the eastern side.
According to St Cosme, the greater part of the tribe died of smallpox
in October, 1699. In 1700 De l'Isle placed the principal "Acansa"
village on the southern side of Arkansas river; and, according to
Gravier, there were in 1701 five villages, the largest, Imaha (Omaha),
being highest on the Arkansas. In 1805 Sibley placed the "Arkensa"
The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the Winnebago.
Since the days of Marquette (1673) the Iowa have ranged over the country between the Mississippi and Missouri, up to the latitude of Oneota (formerly upper Iowa) river,- and even across the Missouri about the mouth of the Platte. Chauvignerie located them, in 1736 west of the Mississippi and (probably through error in identification of the waterway) south of the Missouri; and in 1761 Jefferys placed them between Missouri river and the headwaters of Des Moines river, above the Oto and below the Maha (Omaha). In 1805, according to Drake, they dwelt on Des Moines river, forty leagues above its mouth, and numbered 800. In 1811 Pike found them in two villages on Des Moines and Iowa rivers. In 1815 they were decimated by smallpox, and also lost heavily through war against the tribes of the Dakota confederacy. In 1829 Porter placed them on the Little Platte, some 15 miles from the Missouri line, and about 1853 Schoolcraft located them on Nemaha river, their principal village being near the mouth of the Great Nemaha. In 1848 they suffered another epidemic of smallpox, by which 100 warriors, besides women and children, were carried off. As the country settled, the Iowa, like the other Indians of the stock, were collected on reservations which they still occupy in Kansas and Oklahoma. According to the last census their population was 273.
The Missouri were first seen by Tonty about 1670; they were located
near the Mississippi on Marquette's map (1673) under the name of
Ouemessourit, probably a corruption of their name by the Illinois
tribe, with the characteristic Algonquian prefix. The name Missouri
was first used by Joutel in 1687. In 1723 Bourgmont located their
principal village 30 leagues below Kaw river and 60 leagues below
the chief settlement of the Kansa; according to Groghan, they were
located on Mississippi river opposite the Illinois country in 1759.
Although the early locations are somewhat indefinite, it seems certain
that the tribe formerly dwelt on the Mississippi about the mouth of
According to Winnebago tradition, the ʇɔiwe're tribes separated from that "People of the parent speech" long ago, the Iowa being the first and the Oto the last to leave. In 1673 the Oto were located by Marquette west of Missouri river, between the fortieth and fortyfirst parallels; in 1680 they were 130 leagues from the Illinois, almost opposite the mouth of the Miskoncing (Wisconsin), and in 1687 they were on Osage river. According to La Hontan they were, in 1690, on Otontas (Osage) river; and in 1698 Hennepin placed them ten days' journey from Fort Crève Cœur. Iberville, in 1700, located the Iowa and Oto with the Omaha, between Wisconsin and Missouri rivers, about 100 leagues from the Illinois tribe; and Charlevoix, in 1721, fixed the Oto habitat as below that of the Iowa and above that of the Kansa on the western side of the Missouri. Dupratz mentions the Oto as a small nation on Missouri river in 1758, and Jefferys (1761) described them as occupying the southern bank of the Panis (Platte) between its mouth and the Pawnee territory; according to Porter, they occupied the same position in 1829. The Oto claimed the land bordering the Platte from their village to the mouth of the river, and also that on both sides of the Missouri as far as the Big Nemaha. In 1833 Catlin found the Oto and Missouri together in the Pawnee country; about 1841 they were gathered in four villages on the southern side of the Platte, from 5 to 18 miles above its mouth. In 1880 a part of the tribe removed to the Sac and Fox reservation in Indian Territory, where they still remain; in 1882 the rest of the tribe, with the remnant of the Missouri, emigrated to the Pouka, Pawnee, and Oto reservation in the present Oklahoma, where, in 1890 they were found to number 400.
Linguistically the Winnebago Indians are closely related to the
ʇɔiwe're on the one side and to the Mandan on the other. They were
first mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1636, though the earliest
The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern
part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and
others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points
along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended that stream
before the advent of the ¢egiha. During the historical period their
movements were limited; they were first visited in the upper Missouri
country by Sieur de la Verendrye in 1738. About 1750 they established
two villages on the eastern side and seven on the western side of
the Missouri, near the mouth of Heart river. Here they were assailed
by the Asiniboin and Dakota and attacked by smallpox, and were
greatly reduced; the two eastern villages consolidated, and the people
There has been much confusion concerning the definition and designation of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres of the plains, who belong to another stock. The origin of the term Gros Ventres is somewhat obscure, and various observers have pointed out its inapplicability, especially to the well-formed Hidatsa tribesmen. According to Dorsey, the French pioneers probably translated a native term referring to a traditional buffalo paunch, which occupies a prominent place in the Hidatsa mythology and which, in early times, led to a dispute and the separation of the Crow from the main group some time in the eighteenth century.
The earlier legends of the Hidatsa are vague, but there is a definite
tradition of a migration northward, about 1765, from the neighborhood
of Heart river, where they were associated with the Mandan, to Knife
river. At least as early as 1796, according to Matthews, there were
three villages belonging to this tribe on Knife river—one at the mouth,
another half a mile above, and the third and largest 3 miles from the
mouth. Here the people were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804, and
here they remained until 1837, when the scourge of smallpox fell and
many of the people perished, the survivors uniting in a single village.
About 1845 the Hidatsa and a part of the Mandan again migrated up
the Missouri, and established a village 30 miles by land and 60 miles
by water above their old home, within what is now Fort Berthold reservation.
Their population has apparently varied greatly, partly by
The Crow people are known by the Hidatsa as Kihatsa (They-refused-the-paunch), according to Matthews; and Dorsey points out that their own name, Absaruke, does not mean " crow," but refers to a variety of hawk. Lewis and Clark found the tribe in four bands. In 1817 Brown located them on Yellowstone river. In 1829 they were described by Porter as ranging along Yellowstone river on the eastern side of the Bocky mountains, and numbered at 4,000; while in 1834, according to Drake, they occupied the southern branch of the Yellowstone, about the fortysixth parallel and one hundred and fifth meridian, with a population of 4,500. In 1842 their number was estimated at 4,000, and they were described as inhabiting the headwaters of the Yellowstone. They have since been duly gathered on the Crow reservation in Montana, and are slowly adopting civilization. In 1890 they numbered 2,287.
The history of the Monakan, Oatawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and
incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent
publication by Mooney Sionan Tribes of the East, 1894.
On reviewing the records of explorers and pioneers and the few traditions
which have been preserved, the course of Siouan migration and
development becomes clear. In general the movements were westward
and northwestward. The Dakota tribes have not been traced far,
though several of them, like the Yanktonnai, migrated hundreds of
miles from the period of first observation to the end of the eighteenth
century; then came the Mandan, according to their tradition, and as
they ascended the Missouri left traces of their occupancy scattered
over 1,000 miles of migration; next the ¢egiha descended the Ohio
and passed from the cis-Mississippi forests over the trans-Mississippi
plains—the stronger branch following the Mandan, while the lesser at
first descended the great river and then worked up the Arkansas into
the buffalo country until checked and diverted by antagonistic tribes.
So also the ʇɔiwe're, first recorded near the Mississippi, pushed 300
miles westward; while the Winnebago gradually emigrated from the
region of the Great Lakes into the trans-Mississippi country even
before their movements were affected by contact with white men. In
like manner the Hidatsa are known to have flowed northwestward
many scores of miles; and the Asiniboin swept more rapidly across the
plains from the place of their rebellion against the Yanktonnai, on the
Mississippi, before they found final resting place on the Saskatchewan
While the early population of the Siouan stock, when first the huntsmen crossed the Appalachians, may not be known, the lines of migration indicate that the people increased and multiplied amain during their long journey, and that their numbers culminated, despite external conflict and internal strife, about the beginning of written history, when the Siouan population may have been 100,000 or more. Then came war against the whites and the still more deadly smallpox, whereby the vigorous stock was checked and crippled and the population gradually reduced; but since the first shock, which occurred at different dates in different parts of the great region, the Siouan people have fairly held their own, and some branches are perhaps gaining in strength.
As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or stages in human society—(1) tribal society and (2) national society. National society characterizes civilization; primarily it is organized on a territorial basis, but as enlightenment grows the bases are multiplied. Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so far as known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship. The transfer from tribal society to national society is often, perhaps always, through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root and in which the kinship motive withers.
All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those farther southward were in the stage of tribal society when the continents were discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in South America, Central America, and parts of Mexico. The partly developed transitional stage may, for the present, be neglected, and American Indian sociology may be considered as representing tribal society or kinship organization.
The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship
have been formulated by Powell; they are as follows: Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1881-82 (1884), pp. xliv-xlv.
Two postulates concerning primitive society, adopted by various ethnologic students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to the American aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely accepted as to demand consideration.
The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled
in chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the
chaotic mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of
functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collectively
represent a wide range in development, extending from a condition
about as primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of
feudalism, and thus offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and
it has been found that when higher and lower stages representing any
portion of the developmental succession are compared, the social organizations
of the lower grade are no less definite, perhaps more definite,
than those pertaining to the higher grade; so that when the history of
demotic growth among the American Indians is traced backward, the
organizations are found on the whole to grow more definite, albeit more
simple. When the lines of development revealed through research are
projected still farther toward their origin, they indicate an initial condition,
directly antithetic to the postulated horde, in which the scant
population was segregated in small discrete bodies, probably family
groups; and that in each of these bodies there was a definite organization,
while each group was practically independent of, and probably Notably in "Relation of primitive peoples to environment, illustrated by American examples,"
Smithsonian Report for 1896, pp. 625-638, especially p. 635.
The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the
first, is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity,
out of which different forms ot marriage were successively segregated.
Now the wide range in institutional development exemplified by the
American Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this
postulate also. The simplest demotic unit found among the aborigines
is the clan or mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal relation
is essentially monogamous, Neither space nor present occasion warrants discussion of the curious aphrodisian cults found
among many peoples, usually in the barbaric stage of development; it may be noted merely that this
is an aberrant branch from the main stem of institutional growth. The subject is touched briefly in
"The beginning of marriage," American Anthropologist, vol. IX, pp. 371-383, Nov., 1896. The History of Human Marriage (London, 1891), especially chapters iv-vi, xiii-xv, xx-xxii.
As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth in various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes or stages—(1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these stages corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly defined.
At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the upper stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined by organization; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female line, though definite matriarchies have not been discovered; among several tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and among all of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is found.
In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotic devices are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinship relations. As already indicated, the conspicuous devices in order of development are the taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it, kinship nomenclature and regulations, and a system of ordination by which incongruous things are brought into association.
Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions
are used chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organization.
Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited; among many tribes
a vestige of the inferential primitive condition is found in the curious
The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning from ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every other member of the clan or tribe; and commonly the kinship terms are classific rather than descriptive (i.e., a single term expresses the relation which in English is expressed by the phrase "My elder brother's second son's wife"). The system is curiously complex and elaborate. It was not discovered by the earlier and more superficial observers of the Indians, and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who detected numerous striking examples among different tribes; but it would appear that the system is not equally complete among all of the tribes, probably because of immature development in some cases and because of decadence in others.
The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have been developed from the kinship system through the need for recognition and assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other things pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the taboo system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes kinship by assigning members of the family group to fixed positions about the camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the placement of family groups in fixed order, as exemplified in the Iroquoian long-house and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a curiously exaggerated direction-concept culminating in the cult of the Four Quarters and the Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary, decimal, and vigesimal numeration; this last branch sends off another in which the cult of the Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare the way for the mystical numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come down to civilization; both the four-quarter and the six-quarter associations are sometimes bound up with colors; and there are numberless other ramifications. Sometimes the function and development of these curious concepts, which constitute perhaps the most striking characteristic of prescriptorial culture, are obscure at first glance, and hardly to be discovered even through prolonged research; yet, so far as they have been detected and interpreted, they are especially adapted to fixing demotic relations; and through them the manifold relations of individuals and groups are crystallized and kept in mind.
Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up of families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes, sometimes united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or assumed; and the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series of devices pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby each member of the organization is constantly reminded of his position in the group.